An Interview with Johnny Burtka

Contributed by Richard Y. Rodgers

John Burtka IV is President and CEO of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute. He graduated from Hillsdale College with degrees in French and Christian Studies and earned a graduate degree in theology from La Faculté Jean Calvin in Aix-en-Provence, France. Johnny began his career at ISI, where he served as a development officer, and then later returned to ISI after four years at The American Conservative magazine, where he served as Executive Director and Acting Editor. Johnny has also appeared on Fox News and Fox Business and written for the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, and First Things.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

SALIENT: ISI has long been a bastion of conservative intellectual thought. What do you see as its most pressing mission today in light of the radicalization of academia?

BURTKA: Essentially, after Trump won in 2016, there was a major shift. Tucker Carlson captured this well in a speech he gave at the National Conservatism Conference in 2019. He pointed out that the old consensus on trade, immigration, and foreign policy had been shattered, forcing conservatives to fundamentally rethink these issues. He described the process as going up into the attic of his mind, reassessing long-held beliefs, and tossing some out the window.

Intellectually, this upheaval was independent of what was happening in Washington, D.C. You had figures like Yoram Hazony, Adrian Vermeule, and Patrick Deneen advancing post-liberalism, and a whole range of other thinkers—online and in academia—bringing in fresh, fascinating, sometimes even radical ideas. It was an intellectual explosion.

This shift has been especially pronounced at elite universities. While we have fantastic students at state schools who are engaged with these ideas, students at Ivy League institutions have more direct access to prominent speakers and thought leaders. Many are deeply involved in niche online New Right circles.

I initially thought that with Trump’s second victory, a new consensus was beginning to form. In some ways, that’s true—there’s broad agreement now on issues like monopolies, trade, and immigration. But there are still open questions, particularly regarding the relationship between the "Tech Right" and the "MAGA Right"—whether they are aligned or fundamentally at odds.

Right now, we’re in a sort of “Wild West” phase of figuring out what the next 30 years of conservatism will look like. Harvard students, in particular, are at the forefront of this intellectual movement because they have access to the best minds and discussions. At the same time, they face challenges—not just from liberal professors, but from administrators and a broader academic culture that treats progressive ideology almost as a civil religion. Elite universities today aren’t just politically left-leaning; they are deeply invested in these causes on a nearly liturgical level. So students are navigating a space where free speech and traditional values are constantly under pressure.

SALIENT: Andrew Breitbart famously said that "politics is downstream from culture." Many today insist the opposite. Should conservatives focus more on cultural renewal rather than electoral politics?

BURTKA: Undoubtedly, culture and politics are mutually reinforcing. Culture shapes politicians, but political victories can also rapidly shift culture.

The idea that politics is purely downstream from culture is somewhat misleading. Political changes—especially at the highest levels—can set the tone for broader cultural shifts almost instantly. For example, when Republicans win, even before executive orders are signed, corporations and institutions quickly adjust. After Trump's election, we saw major corporations, including tech firms and consumer brands, suddenly pivot on certain cultural issues.

The same happened with the NCAA after the executive order on transgender athletes. There was no drawn-out legal battle—they simply complied overnight. That demonstrates how powerful political decisions can be in shaping culture.

That said, executive orders alone have limited longevity. If conservatives want long-term influence, these changes need to be enshrined into law through Congress. That’s the real next step. Otherwise, victories will be temporary, vulnerable to the next political shift.

SALIENT: Given ISI’s role in fostering conservative thought, do you see Harvard and other Ivy League schools as salvageable, or is there more value in conservatives building parallel institutions?

BURTKA: I don’t think these universities are redeemable in the sense of becoming conservative institutions, but they also can’t be ignored. They’re not going away, and the smartest, most ambitious people still have strong incentives to attend places like Harvard.

Parallel institutions are important—Hillsdale College is a prime example—but conservatives also need to establish strong footholds within existing elite universities. Organizations like The Abigail Adams Institute are crucial. The goal should be to build robust conservative infrastructure within these institutions and leverage political and donor pressure to ensure at least some level of tolerance for conservative thought. It’s about creating intellectual beachheads rather than abandoning these spaces entirely.

SALIENT: Who do you see as the rising stars of the conservative intellectual movement?

BURTKA: One name that immediately comes to mind is Elbridge Colby. I conducted a nearly two-hour interview with him, and he’s one of the most compelling voices on foreign policy and grand strategy today. Given his role as the former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense, he’s someone to watch in shaping conservative national security policy.

On the cultural and philosophical side, Michael Knowles is another key figure. While he’s best known for his political work at The Daily Wire, he’s done deeply intellectual work for ISI as well. He gave a talk on Dante’s Divine Comedy at our Honors Program that absolutely captivated the audience. He’s not just a political commentator—he’s engaging with the deeper intellectual traditions of conservatism.

SALIENT: What books would you recommend for young conservatives seeking to sharpen their understanding of political philosophy?

BURTKA: In my book, which I published last year, I focused on classic thinkers in politics and statecraft, but I also tried to highlight lesser-known works. Some of my favorites include Agapetus’ Advice to Emperor Justinian—an incredible work of political wisdom. Han Feizi—an ancient Chinese legalist thinker in the Machiavellian tradition. His ideas are completely opposed to liberalism and Christianity, but they contain a hard-nosed realism that conservatives can learn from. Christine de Pizan—especially her work on political thought and governance.

Beyond those, I could list many others, but the goal is to expose young conservatives to a broad intellectual tradition that sharpens their political imagination. The great thinkers of the past still have much to offer today.